Days after dozens of police officers arrested more than 100 of their colleagues in two days of protests against the war in Gaza, Linda decided to return to the campus of the University of Texas (Austin) to ask for the resignation of the president of the institution.

The third-year biochemistry student, who asked to hide her name to protect her identity, assured EFE that she does not feel discouraged, quite the contrary. “There is nothing they can do to me that compares to what young people are going through in Gaza.”

The response of the main public university in Texas to the pro-Palestinian demonstrations has been one of the toughest in the country. Without any threat of negotiation with the student leaders, the institution forcibly dissolved a camp set up by university students in a park on campus.

The images of the eviction, where the agents took the students by the arms and legs, threw pepper spray at them and even arrested a photojournalist, became a reflection of the repression against the student movement that has spread throughout the country.

The governor of the state, Republican political media Greg Abbott, has already made it clear which side he is on. “The University and the State will use all the tools at their disposal to quickly put an end to all illegal protests on campus,” he wrote on his Twitter account.

On campus, however, this message has not deterred student activists, who have more protests planned for this last month of classes.

“The repression (…) what it has done is increase the number of people who are willing to fight what is right,” stressed Linda, who has been part of the pro-Palestine student organization Palestine Solidarity Committee, suspended last week by the institution in response to the demonstrations.

A hundred young people, professors and supporters of the anti-war cause once again took the university’s south park shouting slogans such as “Free Palestine” and “We will not stop, we will not rest.”

Aman Odeh, a doctor and associate professor at the University of Texas, approached the esplanade holding his phone up. On the other side of the screen, a group of about six children watched the protest.

“They are part of a family in Gaza that welcomed me,” said the pediatric specialist. “I spent two weeks there as part of a mission and they wanted to see what’s going on here, they feel supported.”

Odeh went up on the stage and, with the phone in his ear, repeated the words of Mohammed, 15 years old, on the other side of the world: “I want to tell you how proud I am; his voice sends a powerful message.”

In addition to expressing a feeling of rejection of war, university students also seek with the protests a series of defined objectives. Force your alma mater to break financial ties with companies that sell weapons to Israel.

Higher education centers in the U.S. are financed with public money, tuition and donations. With the latter, institutions invest in a series of assets, from bonds to shares in private companies, to obtain more capital

Specifically, the students are asking the University of Texas (UT) to stop investing in companies that manufacture weapons and military equipment such as Lockheed Martin, Raytheon, General Dymanics and Boeing.

Roger Reeves, a professor of literature in UT who has been involved in the pro-Palestinian movement, told EFE that the presidency of the university has decided to “listen” to the members of the faculty, but has not committed to negotiating.

“They say they listen, but at the same time they are inviting the police to occupy the university campus,” the academic stressed.

The anti-corruption commissioner of the Government of Guatemala, Santiago Palomo, assures that the first months in office have been “a roller coaster” after having found a State “in critical conditions” in the face of the indications that between 2 billion and 3 billion dollars were embezzled during the presidency of Alejandro Giammattei (2020-2024).

Palomo, a 29-year-old lawyer graduated from Harvard University (USA), said during an interview with EFE that his first months in the position, appointed by the president, Bernardo Arévalo de León, have been “intense” and comparable to “a roller coaster.”

“We are trying to navigate in an Executive body that we receive in critical conditions. We identify a pattern when chatting with the new ministers and secretaries: they describe it as a dead rat in each drawer that is opened. This is how the conditions in which the Government was assumed are defined,” Palomo explains.

According to experts cited by local and international media, the Government of Giammattei could have embezzled up to 3 billion dollars between 2020 and 2024.

Precisely the Corruption Perception Index of 2023 placed Guatemala in 2023 among the five countries with the most embezzlement of state funds. Only behind Haiti, Nicaragua, Venezuela and Honduras.

Commissioner Palomo says that the corruption found operated under the same pattern. “Relevant financial disbursements from 70% to 90%” for the construction of “public works that are being thrown away, such as schools and roads, whose progress does not exceed 30% or 40%.”

According to the official, “this is how these corruption structures worked in the State, right now they are still trying to operate,” the official remarked.

The Government of Arévalo de León denounced Amelia Flores, former Minister of Health of Giammattei, before the courts of justice on April 4, for anomalies in the purchase of 16 million doses of the Russian Sputnik vaccine, in 2021 for a total amount of 615 million quetzals (79 million dollars).

According to various sources, many of the vaccines never reached the Central American country and others expired before their application.

“The case of vaccines shows that they were willing to pursue their own interests to the detriment of the most sacred thing, which was the health of the population, in the midst of a pandemic. It is a case that reflects how unscrupulous the degree of corruption of the previous Administration became,” says Palomo.

Last week Palomo, along with the Minister of Communications, Jazmín de la Vega, denounced two former officials for a possible fraud in the assignment of contracts to a company for the construction of 14 schools for an amount between 45 and 60 million quetzals (between five and seven million dollars approximately).

The anti-corruption tsar explains that it is up to the Executive Body to detect and prevent cases of corruption from occurring in its Administration. But that is the Public Ministry (Attorney’s Office) that “is responsible for investigating and prosecuting.”

“The Prosecutor’s Office does not have a real commitment to investigate serious cases of corruption,” it is not an ally in the fight against corruption,” which becomes a real challenge, Palomo recognizes, although, he said, the Administration of Arévalo does not intend to stop denouncing the anomalies that are found in the various ministries.

In 2023, the Prosecutor’s Office, led by Consuelo Porras Argueta, tried to stop the electoral victory of Arévalo de León in the general elections through various criminal cases and dozens of governments around the world sanctioned his action, including that of the United States and members of the European Union.

Arévalo de León surprisingly prevailed over the traditional politics of Guatemala thanks to his offer to heal the corruption of the State that has caused a significant democratic deterioration in the last 30 years.

Palomo concludes that assuming the anti-corruption arm of this Government for the next four years is “a great responsibility.” An “opportunity to improve the dignity of the public service.”

Journalist and defender of freedom of expression Evelyn Blanck warns that the reporters who have been forced to leave Guatemala are in a “very critical” situation and that there are still no conditions for them to return to the country, despite the positive turn in the press that has been given with the Government of the new President Bernardo Arévalo de León.

Blanck is the coordinator of the Civitas Center, an organization that seeks to ensure the freedom of the press in the Central American country and that has coordinated support for more than twenty journalists who have had to go into exile, after denouncing political persecution against her in the last four years.

“Colleagues in exile are in a critical situation,” the journalist warns in an interview with EFE and assures that among the twenty colleagues who were forced to leave Guatemala in recent years, there are three mothers who are separated from their children and many others who struggle to find conditions to continue practicing journalism.

Several of them “are struggling to survive because they came out with emergency funds, with financing for three months and they never have anything guaranteed,” says this journalist with more than 30 years of experience.

According to an analysis by the social organization Red Rompe El Silencio, 44% of Guatemalan journalists exiled have had to stop exercising their profession and most are refugees in the United States, Mexico, Costa Rica and seven other countries.

This crisis of “political persecution” against the press in several Central American countries revealed that there is no comprehensive system of care for journalists who are forced to leave their country, says the activist.

“The only thing we have left is to try to work with the Central American network of journalism solutions so that colleagues have conditions to stay outside because today Guatemalans, Salvadorans and Nicaraguan exiles cannot return,” Blanck concludes.

Journalists Juan Luis Font, director of the radio program Con Criterio and Michelle Mendoza, who was a correspondent for the CNN network in Guatemala, top the list of Guatemalan communicators who have had to go into exile.

In Blanck’s opinion, the Government of the new president of Guatemala exhibits “an institutional discourse that recognizes the work of the press, although its ability to maneuver is very little because the State is still co-opted.”

“Of course there is tension, but it is different from the administrations of Alejandro Giammattei (2020-2024) and Jimmy Morales (2016-2020), where there was an absolute public contempt for the press and that is over,” says the journalist.

According to the Association of Journalists of Guatemala (APG), during the administration of Giammattei there were more than 400 attacks on the press by public officials, and the vast majority of these were dismissed and not investigated by the authorities.

That is why Blanck refers to the Government of Arévalo de León as “a respite that we do not know how long it will last,” and warns that there are no conditions for journalists who left the country under persecution to return while the co-optation of the Judicial Body and the Public Ministry (Public Prosecutor’s Office) persists.

“Doing journalism in Guatemala has always been facing a country of censorship, it is facing power. This is one of the most difficult countries to do quality journalism,” says Blanck.

The Guatemalan Prosecutor’s Office, headed by Consuelo Porras Argueta, has led several cases against communicators in recent years and the most emblematic is that of José Rubén Zamora Marroquín, an internationally recognized journalist who was arrested on July 29, 2022, a few days after launching criticism against the close circle of the then president, Alejandro Giammattei.

Zamora Marroquín, who recently served 600 days in prison, is still waiting for the repetition of the trial against him for an alleged money laundering case and indicated that since the arrival of Arévalo de León to power in January, he has been guaranteed decent conditions in his arrest.