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MEP Miguel Urbán charges Milei for questioning the historical memory

Spanish MEP Miguel Urbán considers that the Government of Argentina, headed by the ultraliberal Javier Milei, and other far-right-wing Executives of the world seek to question the policies of historical memory so that the flame of the struggle of the present cannot be ignited in the reading of the past.”

“It is a common feature and a deliberate attack on what the democratic foundations would be,” says in an interview with EFE in Buenos Aires, this member of the European Parliament since 2015, a central figure of the Anti-Capitalist political organization – which was integrated into Podemos from its foundation until 2020 -, and author of the essay ‘Trumpisms’.

Urbán, son of a communist militant tortured during the Franco dictatorship (1939-1975) by the policeman Antonio González Pacheco, better known as ‘Billy el Niño’, is in the Argentine capital to, among other reasons, accompany other victims grouped under the so-called ‘Argentine complaint’ against the crimes of the Franco regime.

In addition, this Sunday he will participate in the mobilization that will take place in Buenos Aires within the framework of March 24, Day of Remembrance for Truth and Justice, in which the victims of the last Argentine military dictatorship (1976-1983) are commemorated, on the anniversary of the coup d’état that overthreuched the democratic powers of the South American country.

The Government of Milei – and particularly the vice president, Victoria Villarruel, with family ties with the military and accused of ‘denialism’ of the crimes of the dictatorship by associations that defend human rights in Argentina – has been equidistant with this symbolic day.

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“Obviously we are witnessing a questioning of memory as a questioning of democracy,” says Urbán, who considers that this type of policy is the same as those used by other far-right leaders in the world, such as the Portuguese André Ventura, leader of the Chega! party, or the Spanish Santiago Abascal, president of Vox.

Urbán attributes this trend to the “element of the cultural battle”, usually argued by reactionary leaders to position himself “against the ‘cowardly right’ that does not question the ‘progressive dictatorship’.”

The MEP thinks that Milei is nothing more than “the Argentine decline of this global reactionary wave” that he describes in his latest book and that he presented this Friday in Buenos Aires.

“These phenomena start from eating the political space of the international right (…) Milei could not have been president if he had not managed to get the right to prefer to support him rather than a ‘right-wing uncle’ like Sergio Massa (the presidential candidate of Peronism in the 2023 elections),” says the MEP.

Urbán considers that “the same radicalization” motivated prominent conservative leaders – among them, the former president of the Spanish Government Mariano Rajoy (2011-2018) – to ask for the vote for the far-right Milei in the last Argentine elections.

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“(The phenomenon of the extreme right) is not a European measles,” warns Urbán, who calls the importance of the communication skills of far-right leaders or issues such as the rise of disinformation “peripheral”.

“We could not understand this global reactionary wave without understanding that we are facing a real crisis of the regime of capitalism; a crisis resulting from the combination of the neoliberal governance crisis (…) and, on the other hand, the ecological crisis and climate change that constitute a kind of ‘cancellation of the future’,” explains Urbán.

Faced with the anxiety of the present, the MEP, who participated in the 15-M movement (or ‘of the indignadomen’) in Spain in 2011, believes that the extreme right proposes an imaginary of the past “known and that gives assurances.”

“It’s a matter of passion and not of reason,” says Urbán.

In this sense, the MEP believes that Milei’s ultra-liberal positions are more difficult to “inoculate” than those of the Salvadoran president, Nayib Bukele, characterized by his harshness in police action against the violent gangs of the Central American country.

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International

Trump: U.S. has hit three venezuelan narco boats in Caribbean

U.S. President Donald Trump said Tuesday that American forces have struck three suspected Venezuelan drug-trafficking vessels in the Caribbean so far, not two as previously reported.

“We took down boats. It was actually three boats, not two, but you only saw two,” Trump told reporters at the White House before departing for a state visit to the United Kingdom.

The president was asked about remarks by Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, who accused Washington of plotting to invade his country.

“Stop sending members of the Tren de Aragua to the United States. Stop sending drugs to the United States,” Trump responded.

The Republican leader mentioned this third vessel a day after announcing that U.S. forces had struck a speedboat in which, according to him, three “terrorists” were killed. Later, from the Oval Office, he claimed the boat had been carrying cocaine and fentanyl.

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The attacks come amid escalating tensions between Washington and Caracas, as the U.S. military maintains a Caribbean deployment under the banner of counter-narcotics operations.

The Trump administration accuses Maduro of heading the so-called Cartel of the Suns, which the Venezuelan government denies. Washington has also offered a $50 million reward for information leading to Maduro’s capture.

On Monday, Maduro said communications with the U.S. were “broken” in the face of what he called an “aggression” and declared that Venezuela is now “better prepared” in case of an “armed struggle.”

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International

Ecuador’s Noboa declares State of Emergency in seven provinces amid fuel price protests

Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa declared a state of emergency on Tuesday in seven provinces due to what he described as “serious internal unrest,” as road blockades and demonstrations erupted in response to the elimination of the diesel subsidy and growing concerns over insecurity.

The 60-day measure applies to the provinces of Carchi, Imbabura, Pichincha, Azuay, Bolívar, Cotopaxi, and Santo Domingo de los Tsáchilas.

Since Monday, partial protests have been reported in Pichincha, Carchi, Azuay, and Imbabura. On Tuesday, road blockades extended to northern Pichincha and routes in Carchi, near the Colombian border. In response, the Executive headquarters was temporarily relocated to Cotopaxi and the Vice Presidency to Imbabura.

The presidential decree states that the measure comes amid “strikes that have disrupted public order and provoked acts of violence, endangering the safety of citizens and their rights to free movement, work, and economic activity.”

According to the decree, the goal is to “prevent the radicalization of disruptive actions” in the affected provinces and to limit the impact on the population. It further emphasizes that the situation requires an “exceptional intervention by state institutions to safeguard security, guarantee citizens’ rights, maintain public order, and preserve social peace.”

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Social organizations and labor groups, including the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (Conaie), have strongly rejected the diesel price increase following the subsidy’s elimination.

The decree justifies the two-month duration as necessary “to ensure a strengthened state presence in the affected territories, restore order, and prevent further acts of violence against people, public, and private property.”

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International

Colombia’s special peace tribunal hands down first sentence against former FARC leaders

Seven former rebel leaders, including their last known commander Rodrigo Londoño, alias “Timochenko,” have been handed the maximum penalty established in the 2016 peace agreement.

Under the ruling, they will face mobility restrictions and be required to carry out activities aimed at restoring the dignity of victims, such as helping locate missing persons and participating in landmine clearance in territories where they once operated. These alternative sentences to prison were part of the historic deal signed in 2016 between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) —once the most powerful guerrilla group in Latin America— and then-President Juan Manuel Santos, Nobel Peace Prize laureate.

The Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) found the ex-commanders guilty of being responsible for the kidnapping of 21,396 people before laying down their arms and transitioning into a political party. “Investigations showed that kidnapping became a systematic practice. These crimes not only broke the law but also left open wounds that persist in families, communities, and the daily life of the country,” a magistrate told reporters in Bogotá, in the absence of the former commanders, who had accepted responsibility for their crimes back in 2022.

It took the tribunal more than seven years to deliver its first ruling, amid criticism from opponents of the peace deal who argue it is too lenient on the rebels. The former commanders still face charges for other crimes against humanity, including the recruitment of minors.

During their decades-long conflict, the FARC held hostage soldiers, police officers, businesspeople, and political leaders, including French-Colombian Ingrid Betancourt. Images of emaciated captives chained in jungle camps shocked the world and became symbols of the conflict.

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