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Argentine: Cristina Kirchner, actrice et victime de la crispation politique

ELENA BOFFETTA / AFPTV / AFP

AFP || par Philippe BERNES-LASSERRE

Adulée comme une “mère” politique à la fibre sociale, ou honnie comme une populiste corrompue, Cristina Kirchner reste, sept ans après avoir quitté la présidence argentine, une figure incontournable et influente d’une politique polarisée, crispée, qui l’a vue jeudi échapper à un attentat.

Depuis 11 jours, la vice-présidente vit sous la menace de 12 ans de prison et d’une inéligibilité à vie, requis lors d’un procès pour corruption, dans une affaire de marchés publics dans son fief de Santa Cruz (sud), pendant ses présidences (2007-2015). Des pertes pour l’Etat évaluées à 5,2 milliards de pesos (38 millions de dollars) selon l’accusation.

Pour autant depuis 11 jours, c’est à s’y méprendre la péroniste de centre-gauche qui a l’intitiative, ressoudant sur son sort un bloc gouvernemental pourtant divisé sur l’économie, laissant la presse de tous bords suspendue à ses faits et gestes, et semant la zizanie dans l’opposition sur la stratégie idoine, à un an d’une présidentielle.

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Avec défi, aplomb, elle s’est posée en victime d’”un procès politique” par une justice selon elle instrumentalisée par l’opposition de droite. Qui, comme elle l’a clamé à ses partisans venus la chanter à son domicile, veut “exterminer” le péronisme” dont ils “haïssent l’amour et la joie”.

Veuve du président Nestor Kirchner (2003-2007) qui a laissé chez nombre d’Argentins la gratitude d’une normalité retrouvée après le traumatisme de la “grande crise” de 2001, Cristina a longtemps cultivé le souvenir de son mari, décédé en 2010 et dans le sillage duquel elle a été élue en 2007, puis réélue en 2011.

– Diabolisée, diabolisante –

Tous deux s’étaient connus en fac de droit. Puis devenus avocats, ont vécu et travaillé ensemble. Dans la province de Santa Cruz en Patagonie, leur fief électoral, puis dans la capitale, après l’élection de Nestor à la présidence.

Leur projet était d’alterner à la tête de l’Argentine. “Nous pensions qu’il était nécessaire d’assurer dans le temps un processus politique vertueux de transformation du pays”, écrivait-elle dans son livre “Sincèrement”.

Au pouvoir, Mme Kirchner a imposé un contrôle des changes et des restrictions aux importations, s’est brouillée avec les puissants producteurs agricoles, a mené une politique sociale généreuse, et était proche de Lula au Brésil et d’Hugo Chavez au Venezuela.

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Ses mandats ont vu aussi s’approuver le mariage homosexuel, une loi sur l’autodétermination de genre, une écoute accrue à la cause des femmes, faisant de l’Argentine une pionnière en Amérique latine.

Tour a tour combative, émouvante, cabotine, sarcastique, “CFK”, qui ne dédaigne pas les tailleurs de renom, est aussi une oratrice avérée qui éclipse régulièrement à l’applaudimètre “son” président, Alberto Fernandez. Et reste pour nombre d’Argentins, de milieux populaires mais pas seulement, associée à un volontarisme social, une forme de “quoi qu’il en coûte”.

Mais pour ses adversaires, dont son grand rival le libéral Mauricio Macri, qui lui succéda la présidence (2015-2019), “CFK” est l’incarnation d’un clientélisme redistributif pathologique, qui maintient l’Argentine dans un marasme économique. Et n’est pas la dernière à diaboliser ses opposants.

M. Macri, qui a promptement et sans réserve condamné l’attentat jeudi, estimait il y cinq jours encore, après des heurts entre police et partians de Cristina, qu’elle est “seule responsable des débordements et du trouble à l’ordre publique (…) bafouant les institutions, se croyant au-dessus des lois, se plaçant en victime pour provoquer le chaos”.

– “Cristina incontournable” –

Ces dernières années, Cristina Kirchner a été mise en cause dans une dizaine de dossiers distincts, entre pots-de-vins, blanchiment de fonds ou entrave à la justice. Elle a bénéficié de non-lieux, mais cinq procédures restent en cours.

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Et pour spectaculaire et fusionnelle que soit sa relation avec un noyau dur de fidèles, son étoile a pâli. Si elle peut revendiquer au mieux un quart de l’électorat, le rejet qu’elle suscite est bien plus large, conviennent maints analystes.

“Elle ne peut gagner une élection nationale (…) elle le sait et tout le péronisme le sait”, analysait pour l’AFP Raul Aragon. Mais dans une élection primaire, Cristina “pèse ces 25%”, et dans son camp, “aucun ticket (présidentiel en 2023) ne pourra se faire sans l’accord de Cristina”. Comme en 2019.

“Cristina incontournable”, résumait cette semaine Infobae, site d’information argentin habituellement critique du gouvernement. Un constat que l’attentat de jeudi n’est pas près d’altérer.

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