The anti-corruption commissioner of the Government of Guatemala, Santiago Palomo, assures that the first months in office have been “a roller coaster” after having found a State “in critical conditions” in the face of the indications that between 2 billion and 3 billion dollars were embezzled during the presidency of Alejandro Giammattei (2020-2024).

Palomo, a 29-year-old lawyer graduated from Harvard University (USA), said during an interview with EFE that his first months in the position, appointed by the president, Bernardo Arévalo de León, have been “intense” and comparable to “a roller coaster.”

“We are trying to navigate in an Executive body that we receive in critical conditions. We identify a pattern when chatting with the new ministers and secretaries: they describe it as a dead rat in each drawer that is opened. This is how the conditions in which the Government was assumed are defined,” Palomo explains.

According to experts cited by local and international media, the Government of Giammattei could have embezzled up to 3 billion dollars between 2020 and 2024.

Precisely the Corruption Perception Index of 2023 placed Guatemala in 2023 among the five countries with the most embezzlement of state funds. Only behind Haiti, Nicaragua, Venezuela and Honduras.

Commissioner Palomo says that the corruption found operated under the same pattern. “Relevant financial disbursements from 70% to 90%” for the construction of “public works that are being thrown away, such as schools and roads, whose progress does not exceed 30% or 40%.”

According to the official, “this is how these corruption structures worked in the State, right now they are still trying to operate,” the official remarked.

The Government of Arévalo de León denounced Amelia Flores, former Minister of Health of Giammattei, before the courts of justice on April 4, for anomalies in the purchase of 16 million doses of the Russian Sputnik vaccine, in 2021 for a total amount of 615 million quetzals (79 million dollars).

According to various sources, many of the vaccines never reached the Central American country and others expired before their application.

“The case of vaccines shows that they were willing to pursue their own interests to the detriment of the most sacred thing, which was the health of the population, in the midst of a pandemic. It is a case that reflects how unscrupulous the degree of corruption of the previous Administration became,” says Palomo.

Last week Palomo, along with the Minister of Communications, Jazmín de la Vega, denounced two former officials for a possible fraud in the assignment of contracts to a company for the construction of 14 schools for an amount between 45 and 60 million quetzals (between five and seven million dollars approximately).

The anti-corruption tsar explains that it is up to the Executive Body to detect and prevent cases of corruption from occurring in its Administration. But that is the Public Ministry (Attorney’s Office) that “is responsible for investigating and prosecuting.”

“The Prosecutor’s Office does not have a real commitment to investigate serious cases of corruption,” it is not an ally in the fight against corruption,” which becomes a real challenge, Palomo recognizes, although, he said, the Administration of Arévalo does not intend to stop denouncing the anomalies that are found in the various ministries.

In 2023, the Prosecutor’s Office, led by Consuelo Porras Argueta, tried to stop the electoral victory of Arévalo de León in the general elections through various criminal cases and dozens of governments around the world sanctioned his action, including that of the United States and members of the European Union.

Arévalo de León surprisingly prevailed over the traditional politics of Guatemala thanks to his offer to heal the corruption of the State that has caused a significant democratic deterioration in the last 30 years.

Palomo concludes that assuming the anti-corruption arm of this Government for the next four years is “a great responsibility.” An “opportunity to improve the dignity of the public service.”

Journalist and defender of freedom of expression Evelyn Blanck warns that the reporters who have been forced to leave Guatemala are in a “very critical” situation and that there are still no conditions for them to return to the country, despite the positive turn in the press that has been given with the Government of the new President Bernardo Arévalo de León.

Blanck is the coordinator of the Civitas Center, an organization that seeks to ensure the freedom of the press in the Central American country and that has coordinated support for more than twenty journalists who have had to go into exile, after denouncing political persecution against her in the last four years.

“Colleagues in exile are in a critical situation,” the journalist warns in an interview with EFE and assures that among the twenty colleagues who were forced to leave Guatemala in recent years, there are three mothers who are separated from their children and many others who struggle to find conditions to continue practicing journalism.

Several of them “are struggling to survive because they came out with emergency funds, with financing for three months and they never have anything guaranteed,” says this journalist with more than 30 years of experience.

According to an analysis by the social organization Red Rompe El Silencio, 44% of Guatemalan journalists exiled have had to stop exercising their profession and most are refugees in the United States, Mexico, Costa Rica and seven other countries.

This crisis of “political persecution” against the press in several Central American countries revealed that there is no comprehensive system of care for journalists who are forced to leave their country, says the activist.

“The only thing we have left is to try to work with the Central American network of journalism solutions so that colleagues have conditions to stay outside because today Guatemalans, Salvadorans and Nicaraguan exiles cannot return,” Blanck concludes.

Journalists Juan Luis Font, director of the radio program Con Criterio and Michelle Mendoza, who was a correspondent for the CNN network in Guatemala, top the list of Guatemalan communicators who have had to go into exile.

In Blanck’s opinion, the Government of the new president of Guatemala exhibits “an institutional discourse that recognizes the work of the press, although its ability to maneuver is very little because the State is still co-opted.”

“Of course there is tension, but it is different from the administrations of Alejandro Giammattei (2020-2024) and Jimmy Morales (2016-2020), where there was an absolute public contempt for the press and that is over,” says the journalist.

According to the Association of Journalists of Guatemala (APG), during the administration of Giammattei there were more than 400 attacks on the press by public officials, and the vast majority of these were dismissed and not investigated by the authorities.

That is why Blanck refers to the Government of Arévalo de León as “a respite that we do not know how long it will last,” and warns that there are no conditions for journalists who left the country under persecution to return while the co-optation of the Judicial Body and the Public Ministry (Public Prosecutor’s Office) persists.

“Doing journalism in Guatemala has always been facing a country of censorship, it is facing power. This is one of the most difficult countries to do quality journalism,” says Blanck.

The Guatemalan Prosecutor’s Office, headed by Consuelo Porras Argueta, has led several cases against communicators in recent years and the most emblematic is that of José Rubén Zamora Marroquín, an internationally recognized journalist who was arrested on July 29, 2022, a few days after launching criticism against the close circle of the then president, Alejandro Giammattei.

Zamora Marroquín, who recently served 600 days in prison, is still waiting for the repetition of the trial against him for an alleged money laundering case and indicated that since the arrival of Arévalo de León to power in January, he has been guaranteed decent conditions in his arrest.

Former President Martín Torrijos (2004 – 2009) is among the favorites to apply again for the Presidency of Panama, already away from the Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) founded by his father, the historic General Omar Torrijos, and sure that his father would have taken the same path.

Omar Torrijos “had the courage to achieve a transformation and I am sure that, a long time ago, he would have made the decision to opt for another political instrument that was based on the economic and social development of Panamanians and not for the benefit of those who today lead that party (PRD),” Torrijos, 60, said in an interview with EFE.

Torrijos, whom a recent poll by the newspaper La Prensa places in second place, equaled with Ricardo Lombana with 10.8% of voting intention, and both removed from the 26% of Raúl Mulino, substitute for the disabled former president Ricardo Martinelli, is now running as a presidential candidate with the minority Popular Party (PP).

Two decades ago Torrijos did rule with the PRD, which is now going through its worst crisis between indications of corruption and dissents within the formation.

“The party moved away from the principles and values with which it was established and ceased to be an option of social transformation towards the future,” says that PRD that 20 years ago brought him to power and from which it officially separated at the beginning of this year after launching into the political campaign.

Openly “torrijista”, Martín Torrijos alleges that “there is no way” not to feel proud of “what he is”, the surname he bears and the legacy of his father, who led that Panamanian revolution that ruled de facto between 1968 and 1981, the year in which he died in a plane crash.

Despite the distance from the party, he hides behind his father’s ideology, “torrijismo”, that political thought created by the general in the middle of the socialist current of the twentieth century in Latin America but that was never “neither with the left nor with the right, but with Panama,” a phrase frequently used by Omar Torrijos.

“I was born and I will die torrijista. But I think that this election (separating from the PRD) is not about a political party but about solving the problems of the people,” says Torrijos, who also defends that “at the end of the day it is a form of government” and “goes beyond a party.”

“It is the force that allowed the Panamanians to regain their sovereignty, that the country would progress more equitably. That is not in a political party but in that will and ideology,” he says.

The Panama Canal, administered by Panamanian hands since 1999 after the Torrijos-Carter Treaties promoted by General Torrijos, which put an end to the control that the United States maintained since its inauguration in 1914, is going through an unprecedented water crisis due to the prolonged drought, which lowered the water levels of the main lakes and reduced the number of daily transits.

This situation that drags the way, and for which there is still no long-term solution, could reduce toll revenues by 800 million dollars in this fiscal year, after in 2023 the Canal delivered to the Panamanian Government the historic annual amount of 2,544.59 million dollars.

Torrijos proposes to solve this problem to “expand the basin” of the Panama Canal, following the alternatives identified by the Canal such as the use of the Indian River, the neighboring basin to the west of the road.

“Unquestionably, that decision must be made to guarantee (also) access to water for human consumption and I have proposed that the administration of the Panama Canal assume the administration of water treatment plants, a new role for the Canal in terms of development,” adds Torrijos.