International
Neighbors block streets in Port-au-Prince to protect themselves and prevent the entry of gangs
Many streets of Port-au-Prince are blocked with cars and trucks, with all kinds of objects that neighbors place to prevent the entry of armed gangs into their neighborhoods.
This is the situation that EFE found in the capital areas of Delmas 31 and Delmas 33, where the president of a neighborhood board, James Polimo, explained that it is the way they have to “self-protect” from gang violence, their attacks, killings, rapes and kidnappings.
According to Polimo to EFE, although in his neighborhood as such there are no gangs nearby, they are protected because recently members of armed groups tried to kidnap a person who works in the area.
The inhabitants, when they realized, had to cut the streets “so that they didn’t fall on him.”
Those blockages give the neighbors a greater sense of security and, he added, “although they are not one hundred percent protected, they feel safer than on the other side of the barrier.”
“Here 50 percent can sleep at night because they feel protected,” Polimo said in the face of extreme insecurity in the metropolitan area of Port-au-Prince, largely under the control of gangs and in the midst of violence that has forced thousands of people to leave their homes and become displaced people within the city or to flee to other areas of the country or abroad.
Despite the difficulties that the cutting of streets entails for the neighbors when it comes to accessing the neighborhood, they don’t care because “when they enter, they feel safer than outside.”
He added that, if a member of the gangs decided to enter his neighborhood, “he could not be there for more than three minutes because the neighbors would catch him.”
When asked about how he sees the next deployment of the multinational security support mission, led by Kenya and approved by the UN, Polimo assured that it will be welcome, but considers that “the problem of Haiti is the same Haitians, who have to be together to be able to give security to the country and solve the problems.”
In his opinion, international troops come to Haiti to protect the country, but “we are the ones who have to stand ahead” when it comes to resolving the situation.
In early May, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Bahamas, Fred Mitchell, whose country will also send troops to Haiti, announced that the deployment of the multinational mission to restore security would begin on the 26th of this month.
Biden received Kenyan President William Ruto, on Thursday at the White House, and in fact raised the level of the bilateral alliance by designating the African country as a ‘main ally outside NATO’ for its leadership in that mission that will be deployed in Haiti.
At a press conference, Biden promised logistical support to the multinational security mission, but reiterated that the United States will not send soldiers to Haiti.
For the deployment of that force, which will be composed of about 2,500 members from countries from different continents, the Biden Administration committed 300 million dollars and calculated that the mission will have an annual cost of between 500 and 600 million, so it has pressured its allies to make more contributions.
The political, social and economic crisis and the escalation of violence have resulted in numerous changes in Haiti, with consequences such as Henry’s resignation and the creation of a Transitional Presidential Council, which should lead to the holding of presidential elections.
Last year alone, the violence caused 8,000 victims in Haiti, where the gangs control much of Port-au-Prince and other areas of the country.
Central America
Argentina Falls to Lowest Rating in Global Workers’ Rights Index Under Milei Administration
Argentina and Panama have joined Ecuador among the world’s 10 worst countries for workers’ rights, according to a report released Monday by the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC).
The three Latin American nations appear alongside Belarus, Egypt, Eswatini, Myanmar, Nigeria, Tunisia and Turkey in the latest edition of the Global Rights Index, which evaluates the protection of labor rights around the world.
According to the ITUC, Argentina entered the list this year after being downgraded to Category 5, marking its second consecutive year of declining ratings.
“Argentina joins the list of the 10 worst countries for workers this year after falling to Category 5, following a second consecutive year of deterioration in its rating,” the organization stated.
The report argues that working conditions and the environment for trade unions have become increasingly restrictive under the administration of President Javier Milei.
“Conditions for workers and trade unions have become increasingly repressive and hostile under the far-right government of President Javier Milei,” the study said.
The ITUC also highlighted Argentina’s implementation of an anti-blockade protocol aimed at maintaining public order during road blockades. According to the report, the measure authorizes what it describes as the indiscriminate use of police force.
The organization noted that Argentina’s rating has worsened for a second consecutive year, placing the country in Category 5, the lowest level assigned in the index and the worst rating Argentina has ever received.
“This represents an abrupt and unprecedented decline from Category 3 to Category 5 in just two years,” the report stated.
Category 5 includes countries where workers’ rights are considered “not guaranteed.” According to the ITUC, the downgrade reflects a shift from recurring labor rights violations to a situation in which workers are no longer assured basic protections.
The annual index assesses issues such as freedom of association, collective bargaining rights, the right to strike and legal protections for workers and trade unions.
The report’s findings place renewed international attention on labor conditions in several countries, particularly in Latin America, where Argentina, Panama and Ecuador now rank among the most challenging environments for workers’ rights.
International
OAS Election Mission to Monitor Claims of Political Interference by Colombia’s President
The Electoral Observation Mission of the Organization of American States (OAS) has pledged to follow up on allegations regarding the alleged involvement of Colombian President Gustavo Petro in political campaigning ahead of Sunday’s presidential election.
The announcement was made by presidential candidate Claudia López after a meeting with the head of the OAS Electoral Observation Mission, former Dominican Republic President Leonel Fernández.
According to a statement released by López’s campaign, the OAS mission listened to the concerns raised by the candidate and committed to monitoring the complaints she has submitted to both national and international organizations.
The mission also reiterated its commitment to overseeing the electoral process to help ensure that the will of Colombian voters is respected throughout the election.
“We have turned to international forums and technical observation missions to warn that Colombian democracy cannot be left at the mercy of fear or undue pressure,” López, the former mayor of Bogotá, said following the meeting.
López has repeatedly expressed concerns about what she describes as political interference in the electoral process and has called on national and international institutions to closely monitor the conduct of the campaign.
The OAS observation mission is one of several international bodies deployed to Colombia to monitor the presidential election, which is taking place amid heightened political tensions and intense competition among candidates from across the ideological spectrum.
The election is expected to be closely watched both domestically and internationally as Colombians choose whether to continue with the country’s first left-wing administration or shift toward a new political direction.
International
Colombia Votes in Pivotal Election as Left Seeks to Retain Power
Colombians headed to the polls on Sunday in a crucial presidential election that will determine whether the country continues under its first left-wing government in modern history or shifts back toward the political right.
The election campaign has been marked by deep political divisions, with armed violence and economic concerns emerging as the dominant issues for voters.
A total of 11 candidates remain in the race following the withdrawal of three presidential tickets. The central question is which candidate will advance to a likely runoff election alongside ruling-party senator Iván Cepeda, who has led opinion polls for months with his platform of “democratic revolution” but is not expected to secure enough votes to win outright in the first round.
On the right, Senator Paloma Valencia of the Democratic Center party, the political movement founded by former President Álvaro Uribe, has lost momentum as support has grown for far-right attorney Abelardo de la Espriella. Known as “The Tiger,” De la Espriella has campaigned on a tough-on-crime agenda targeting criminal organizations and guerrilla groups, drawing comparisons to the security policies of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele.
Political analyst Sandra Borda, a professor at the University of the Andes, argues that Colombia is experiencing not simply greater polarization but a broader political landscape.
“The 2016 peace agreement with the FARC opened significant space for the left. Inevitably, it also created opportunities for the right,” Borda told CNN. The political scientist, who ran for the Senate in 2022 with the New Liberalism movement, believes the current election presents a more challenging environment for the left than four years ago.
According to Borda, left-wing candidates can no longer campaign solely as agents of change who have never had the opportunity to govern or who remained untouched by traditional politics.
“They can no longer make that argument. They have already governed and are no longer immune from criticism associated with political power,” she said.
The election is being closely watched across Latin America as voters weigh the record of the outgoing administration against promises of change from candidates across the political spectrum.
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